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Madam Secretary, there are enough recorded evidence to prove Sri Lanka s use of Rape as a weapon in the war against Tamils. Please ignore the Sinhala Goebbels and at least prosecute the Sinhala war criminals with American citizenship first.

Monday, 5 October 2009 - 12:11 AM SL Time



STATE- SPONSORED VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN IN SRI LANKA.

An analysis of cases of rape by armed forces personnel reported in the Sri Lankan press for the year 1998 for example, revealed that 37 such cases were recorded. As of 1999, eight of these cases were still under police investigation, 22 were being inquired into by Magistrate`s Courts, two cases were before the District Court and an additional two cases were pending before the High Court. During the year 1998, three of the rape cases that were heard before the Sri Lankan courts resulted in prison sentences for the armed services personnel involved. Eighteen of the cases heard before the Courts related to crimes of sexual violence committed in the operational areas of the North-East while the remaining 19 cases were reported in other areas of the country. (1)

In its Sri Lanka Monitor, the British Refugee Council notes that in the period February 1996-July 1999, more than 45 cases of rape by soldiers in the North-East were reported. (2)

In her 2001 report to the Commission on Human Rights, the UN Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women highlighted a number of cases of rape and sexual abuse perpetrated by the Sri Lankan police, security forces and armed groups allied to the government. (3)

During this period, ethnic minority women in Sri Lanka were targeted by members of the SRI LANKAN POLICE and SECURITY FORCES for acts of violence. This violence overwhelmingly takes the form of RAPE, SEXUAL ASSAULT and harassment. (4)

In November 2000, the United Nations Division for the Advancement of Women, the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights and the United Nations Development Fund for Women jointly organized an Expert Group Meeting on Gender and Racial Discrimination. In their report, participants at the meeting cited Sri Lanka as an example of a conflict `motivated by ethnically based acts of aggression in which women have been targeted and become victims of ethnically-motivated, gender-specific forms of violence.` (5)

The number of female suicide bombers taking part in attacks by the LTTE has meant that Tamil women are often the targets of stringent security checks, arbitrary arrests and detention by police and armed forces personnel. (6)

The conduct of random night time checks by security forces of boarding houses and other establishments where Tamil women live created a climate of insecurity and fear and women passing through security check points became particularly vulnerable to rape and other acts of sexual violence. (7)

Tamil women arrested and detained by police and security forces were reportedly SUBJECTED TO RAPE AND OTHER FORMS OF TORTURE. The individual cases reproduced in the Annex of this report, as well as information received from other sources, indicate that Sri Lankan security forces often used rape and sexual violence against women in detention as a means of forcing them to sign confessions stating that they are members of the LTTE. (8)

The form of torture used by police and security forces in Sri Lanka against ethnic minority women in detention clearly constitutes a gender-specific form of racial discrimination. It has been estimated that a Tamil woman is raped by members of the armed forces or police every two weeks and that every two months a Tamil woman is gang-raped and murdered by the Sri Lankan security forces.(9)

The actual incidence of rape and sexual violence committed by police and security forces during this period is likely to be far higher than that which has been reported. It is relevant in this regard that women in Sri Lanka are frequently prevented through fear and shame from reporting acts of sexual violence. Fear of social ostracism and retaliation, when combined with the widespread lack of gender-sensitivity amongst police, judicial and medical personnel, acts as powerful deterrents to women reporting violence and pursuing legal action against the perpetrators.(10)

The prevailing climate of impunity for acts of sexual violence against women from ethnic minorities and the fact that women who are victims of violence frequently have no safe place to stay during investigations or trials are further elements that dissuade women from reporting crimes of violence committed against them. (11)


IMPUNITY FOR VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN:

The past severe violence that they had to undergo remains a constant reminder of their helplessness in the context of the failure of the State to deal with the plight of the Sri Lankan women affected by the war. There has been an obvious inability of the legal system to deal effectively with the perpetrators of the violence.

While impunity continues for members of the forces who engage in blatantly unconstitutional actions under the PTA and Emergency Regulations, interventions by the courts have not been able to stem a change of the general pattern of impunity behind which members of the forces take refuge for their actions. Such interventions have been able to correct injustices only in very individual situations which are more the exception rather than the rule.

In particular, the Krishanthi Kumarasamy case where the rape and murder of a fifteen year old school girl and the subsequent murder of her mother, brother and neighbor who went in search of her, by eight soldiers and one policeman on duty at the Chemmani check point, marked the coming together of forces across the country, united in their condemnation of the horrendous incident.

The accused in this case were convicted in the High Court of Sri Lanka inter alia of offences under Section 357 of the Penal Code, (abduction with intent that the victim may be compelled or knowing it to be likely that she will be forced or seduced into illicit sexual intercourse), under Section 364 (rape) and Section 296 of the Penal Code (murder). Their appeals are currently pending.

The Krishanthi Kumaraswamy case saw the growth of hope that the 1990s would be a time of swift justice for those members of the forces who engaged in rights violations. The call was made for a genuine re-evaluation by both ordinary people and their leaders as to the reality of the events happening in the country. A surge of angry public opinion emphasized that abuses by members of the security forces have to be acknowledged and a consciousness created that such incidents are, indeed, hugely counterproductive.

However, at the close of 1998, the momentum caused by the Kumarasamy verdict petered out. Other cases, similarly gruesome in nature, remain to be pursued. There is evidence that the perpetrators of acts of violence against women have often escaped punishment. Victims of violence at the hands of police and security forces are often threatened and intimidated into discontinuing proceedings. Moreover, the feelings of shame often associated with rape and other forms of sexual violence make women particularly unwilling to complain and it is often for this very reason that perpetrators use this form of violence as they are aware that they are unlikely to be held accountable for their actions.

The Secretary General of the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF), R. Sampanthan, wrote in an April 2001 letter addressed to Sri Lankan President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga that `it cannot be denied that ever since 1994, the Krishanty Kumaraswamy case is the only instance related to a Tamil female victim where service personnel who were such offenders have been convicted.` (12)









Source(s)
http://srilanka.ahrchk.net/legal_reform/mainfile.php/0104/36/

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Thivya
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LK Information  4 Oct 2009 17:11:55 GMT  Report for Abuse  
The case of Ida Camelita who was raped and murdered in Mannar in July 1999 (see case annex, appeal LKA 100899.VAW), is proceeding very slowly while the investigation into the murder and alleged rape of Koneswary in Amparai in 1999 has fallen through due to intimidation of the witnesses.

Perpetrators of human rights violations against women are brought to some measure of justice in a consistent manner only when cases are brought before the Supreme Court for violation of fundamental rights. In August 2001, the case filed by Yogalingam Vijitha of Paruthiyadaippu, Kayts, against the Reserve Sup. Inspector of Police, Police Station, Negombo and six others, (SC FR No. 186/2001, SCM 23.8.2002) was a case in point where the Supreme Court ordered compensation and costs to be paid to a Tamil woman who had been arrested, detained and brutally tortured. The Court pointed out thus

'As Athukorala J in Sudath Silva Vs Kodituwakku 1987 2 SLR 119 observed 'the facts of this case has revealed disturbing features regarding third degree methods adopted by certain police officers on suspects held in police custody. Such methods can only be described as barbaric, savage and inhuman. They are most revolting and offend one's sense of human decency and dignity particularly at the present time when every endeavor is being made to promote and protect human rights'.

The Attorney General was also directed to consider taking steps under the Convention against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment Or Punishment Act No. 22 of 1994 against the respondent police officers and any others who are responsible for the acts of torture perpetrated on the victim.

The lack of seriousness in which Act No. 22 of 1994 has been utilized with regard to members of the armed forces and police who commit serious human rights violations remains a problem. Women do not have access to redress and reparation and very few can appeal to the Supreme Court.
The widespread impunity that continues to be enjoyed by perpetrators of rape and other forms of violence committed against women in Sri Lanka provides strong evidence of a systematic practice of discrimination. The consequences of this impunity are devastating for individual victims who are effectively denied access to criminal and civil remedies including reparations. At the community level, impunity leads to a diminution in confidence in law enforcement personnel and in the judiciary and potential perpetrators are not deterred from the commission of similar crimes. The failure of the government to send a strong signal that all forms of violence and other types of discrimination against women are unacceptable has important ramifications for women's social status as the promotion and protection of women's human rights are thereby perceived as being of little value.



Edited By - Thivya - 4 Oct 2009 17:12:21 GMT
Thivya
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TRANSFERS:

Members of the armed forces or police who are suspects in criminal cases are frequently transferred away from the area in which the crime allegedly took place. The Sarathambal Saravanbavananthakurukal (see case annex, case LKA 050100.VAW) provides one example of the practice of transferring members of the armed forces and police suspected of having committed crimes of violence against women away from the scene of the crime in order to avoid or delay the initiation of an investigation. (13)

There are some signs, however, that the judiciary are becoming less amenable to petitions by defendants from the armed forces wishing to transfer cases away from courts in the North-East. In the recent case of Sivamani Weerakoon and Wijayakala Nanthakumar (see case annex, case LKA 090401.VAW), who were allegedly raped by members of the Special Investigation Unit (SIU) of the Mannar police and by navy personnel, the court hearing the matter refused the petition by the officer in charge of the SIU to have the case moved to Colombo or Anuradhapura for hearing. (14)

According to media reports, during a seminar in Batticaloa in February 2001, State Counsel Suganthi Kandasamy described the problems linked to obtaining medical evidence in rape cases. Kandasamy, a government official, reportedly stated that one of the major hurdles to the prosecution of torture, including rape, in the Batticaloa district is the fact that medical examinations are not systematically carried out on all victims and that vital evidence is therefore often not available to magistrates. Even in cases where District Medical Officers are willing to examine alleged victims of rape and other forms of torture, these officers and the victims themselves may be subjected to pressure or threats by police in order to keep the evidence from reaching the magistrature. (15)

For example, in the Vijayakala Nanthakumar and Sivamani Weerakoon case concerning events that took place in Uppukulam in March 2001 (see case annex, case LKA 090401.VAW), the two women were allegedly raped by members of the Mannar police's Counter-Subversive Unit (CSU). According to the information received, the District Medical Officer initially reported to the magistrate that he had examined the women and that there was no evidence of rape. (16)

Following widespread public outcry and an intervention by the Bishop of Mannar, the women stated that they not been medically examined and that they had been warned by the police not to consent to an examination or provide any evidence to the magistrate concerning the torture. When the women were finally examined by the District Medical Officer 8 days later, he found strong evidence to suggest that the women had been subjected to torture including rape and sexual assault. (17)

The fact that the Sri Lankan Evidence Ordinance was not amended in concert with the 1995 amendments to the Penal Code may create additional evidentiary hurdles for women wishing to bring charges of rape against security forces personnel. Section 364(2) of the Penal Code provides for punishments ranging from ten to twenty years imprisonment for public officers or persons in a position of authority who commit rape on women in official custody or who wrongfully restrain and commit rape upon women. Under the Evidence Ordinance, however, women may be required to prove an absence of consent even in cases of custodial rape and prior sexual history may be introduced into evidence.(18)



Edited By - Thivya - 4 Oct 2009 17:13:26 GMT
Thivya
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1.Women and Media Collective, Women's Rights Watch 1998, Colombo 1999, p. 22.

2.British Refugee Council, Sri Lanka Monitor, No. 138, July 1999.

3.UN, Report of the Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women, Violence against women perpetrated and/or condoned by the State during times of armed conflict (1997-2000), UN Doc. E/CN.4/2001/73, 23 January 2001, p. 30.

4.See for example, University Teachers for Human Rights (Jaffna), Sri Lanka Information Bulletin No. 25, The Fatal Conjunction: Women, Continuing Violations and Accountability, 11 July 2001.

5.United Nations Division for the Advancement of Women, Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights and United Nations Development Fund for Women, Report of the Expert Group Meeting on Gender and Racial Discrimination, Zagreb, 21-24 November 2000,

6.http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/csw/genrac/report.htm.

7.C. Lindsey, Women and War, International Review of the Red Cross, No. 839, 30 September 2000, pp. 561-579.

8.Women and Media Collective, Women's Rights Watch 1998, Colombo 1999, p. 33. See the case of 'Rani' (LKA 2809601.VAW) in the case annex.

9. See the case of Wijikala Nanthan and Sivamani Sinnathamby Weerakon (LKA 090401.VAW) in the case annex. See also TamilNet, 'Girl describes bizarre police torture in Supreme Court petition,' 31 March 20 Women Against Rape, oral intervention by Ms. Deirdre McConnell during the 57th session of the UN Commission on Human Rights, 10 April 2001.

10. British Refugee Council, Sri Lanka Monitor, No. 138, July 1999. 'Local agencies say many rape victims do not report their ordeal for fear of retaliation or ostracization from the community. Most rape cases remain uninvestigated.'

11.Women and Media Collective, Women's Rights Watch 1998, Colombo 1999, p. 8.

12.Frederica Jansz, 'Govt. taken to task on human rights', The Sunday Leader, 8 April 2001, p. 10 J.S. Tissainayagam, 'Rape case will justice be done ?', The Sunday Leader, 22 April 2001.

13.Frederica Jansz, 'Govt. taken to task on human rights', The Sunday Leader, 8 April 2001, p. 10.

14.J.S. Tissainayagam, 'Rape case will justice be done ?', The Sunday Leader, 22 April 2001.

15.J.S. Tissainayagam, 'Is rape just part of a game?' The Sunday Leader, 8 April, 2001, p. 11.

16.University Teachers for Human Rights (Jaffna), Sri Lanka Information Bulletin No. 25, The Fatal Conjunction: Women, Continuing Violations and Accountability, 11 July 2001.

17.Frederica Jansz, 'Govt. taken to task on human rights', Sunday Leader, Colombo, 8 April 2001, p. 10.

18.Women and Media Collective, Women's Rights Watch 1998, Colombo 1999, p. 20.




Edited By - Thivya - 4 Oct 2009 17:15:00 GMT
Gayan1
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LK Information  4 Oct 2009 18:11:20 GMT  Report for Abuse  
Being a 'GENOCIDAL RACIST CHINKALAM' I observed something!!
Thivya is just jealous cause no on will have sex with her since she is so stinky, dumb and ugly. She's also furious that Sinhalese men don't even go near ugly, ugly women of Peelam like herself. So she's making up all these bs stories to tarnish the image of SLA.
AnuD
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LK Information  4 Oct 2009 18:31:49 GMT  Report for Abuse  
there are enough recorded evidence to prove Sri Lanka s use of Rape as a weapon in the war against Tamils.


Thivya should go to Sri Lanka and enjoy some SLA boys.

YOu won't come back.
tigeress19
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LK Information  4 Oct 2009 19:03:36 GMT  Report for Abuse  
Sick baberians...
laliths
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LK Information  4 Oct 2009 19:04:24 GMT  Report for Abuse  
Madam Secretary and Channel 4 please contact Madam Thivya for FAKE
Video of Tamils been raped!

Featuring The Terrorists from the LTTE's Forth and Final 'Mother of All battles' brigade. Directed by the LTTE's Money Collectors and ATM Machine thief's together with 'Pregnant Suicide Bomber'
with the collaboration of the 'Child Soldiers'

I am sure this video will go to number on on 'YOUTUBE'.
pharoah
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LK Information  4 Oct 2009 19:07:51 GMT  Report for Abuse  
Laliths

why dont you return the money to Tamils in LNP you tricked for your CHARITY project
tigeress19
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LK Information  4 Oct 2009 19:11:52 GMT  Report for Abuse  
why dont you return the money to Tamils in LNP you tricked for your CHARITY project

i never paid a cent to the savage....

good chinhaly is a dead chinkaly...they said long ago....
AnuD
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LK Information  4 Oct 2009 19:16:16 GMT  Report for Abuse  
Tigress is a multi user-handle.

Edited By - AnuD - 4 Oct 2009 19:16:41 GMT
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