Sri Lanka News Updates with Discussions

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Same thing with India and nuclear stuff. Now US 'experts' visiting SL. Soon India will make an announcement.

Exit Karuna: Pillaiyan, new kid on the block

On the eve of an ambitious programme to resettle displaced people in the East and hold elections in the province, the military maintains that it cannot afford confrontations in cleared areas. This position was taken, even as the ?Karuna? group feud led to open clashes and killings in the past fortnight.
Hence, Vinyagamurthy Muralitheran, alias Karuna Amman, was advised by Military Intelligence to flee the country, as the ?Karuna? group was divided right down the middle.
His No. 2, Pillaiyan, who is the supreme commander of all the others, openly clashed with him. Pillaiyan, who was throughout in the war zone, even when Karuna was abroad for safety, was the go-between, between Karuna and the commanders. The military on the ground, had greater dealings with him.
Karuna, accordingly, left the country this week, to an undisclosed destination, along with trusted loyalists. He left with much resentment, even as Pillaiyan took the upper hand, claiming he would fight both Prabhakaran and Karuna.
Security Forces Commander East, Maj. Gen. Parakrama Pannipitiya, only this week, confirmed to reporters, what we have been saying: elections would be held in the East. With the East, more or less secured by the military, with the help of Karuna, in more ways than one, some claimed he had outlived his purpose and his presence was dangerous for several reasons, at this juncture.
The international community, including visiting US Assistant Secretary of State, Richard Boucher, has urged the government to disassociate itself from the ?Karuna? group, which is involved in abductions, killings and conscription of youth. Last week, British Minister for Middle East, Dr. Kim Howells, in the House of Commons debate said:
?Reports of the Government?s links with the ?Karuna? faction, led by a former LTTE commander, concern us a great deal. We believe Karuna and his faction to be responsible for extrajudicial killings, abductions, intimidation of displaced persons and child recruitment.?
However, more important, Karuna Amman was beginning to assert himself in the political domain on matters East and had even demanded for the Chief Minister Post. Karuna made it clear that he would contest the provincial council elections that are on the cards. He had also wanted to head an interim arrangement. On the merger, he maintained that it was not the government but the people of the East, who had to decide in two years, through a referendum.
Some strongly feel that the feud within the ?Karuna? group was covertly engineered, and efforts by the military, to openly settle the dispute in the cleared Vakarai area, were again undermined, with subsequent inspired killings on either side.
Karuna, from the day he broke away from the LTTE, in March, 2004, openly proclaimed that a separate State cannot be achieved. Afforded the protection and patronage of the State, he even duly complied with the request to remove the ?Eelam? part of his political party, originally called, Tamil Eelam Makkal Viduthalaip Puligal (TEMVP).
Karuna strongly felt that the military and the government had political plans for him in the East and hence, the request to drop the word ?Eelam? from his party name. Not even Minister Douglas Devananda from the Eelam People?s Democratic Party (EPDP), was requested to drop the dirty word from his party name.
To coincide with the third anniversary of his breakaway, and in view of elections and reports of infiltration by the LTTE, he made the trek to Batticalao, a little over a month ago.
It appears that the military was more comfortable with Pillaiyan at this stage of things, since he had lesser political ambitions, and was a lesser known factor, internationally. Hence, the need to ditch Karuna for the present.
TMVP spokesman Azad Moulana, has also gone missing and his mobile phones are not responding. Moulana and Mangalan Master were neutral. However, in the face of the feud, the former fled, while the latter was forced to align with Pillaiyan.
On Karuna?s side, the key people are Iniyabharathi, Riyaseelan, Sinnathamby, Jeyathaan, Santhiveli Maamaa, Machilan and Thileepan, who, the military maintains, had been bribed while in France, by the LTTE, to cause the split within the group. However, others say that MI got in touch with Krishnan from London, to engineer the split within the group.
On Pillaiyan?s side are Seelan (intelligence chief), Sitha Master, Markan (Trincomalee leader), Thooyavan, Sasi and Sindujan, the Amparai military wing leader whose death was planned by Iniyaparadi who was in charge of Karuna?s finances. Iniyaparadi requested Sindujan and Seelan to come to the TMVP Batticaloa office, for a meeting last Thursday, while Pillaiyan was invited to a meeting with Karuna, in Colombo. When Pillayan, on his way to Colombo, learnt that Sindujan and four others of his group were assassinated by Iniyaparadi, he did not proceed to Colombo but retuned to safety. Seelan, who was injured when Iniyaparadi shot him, is hospitalized. Sindujan?s father, who had given evidence against Iniyaparadi, in the killing of his son, was also killed in Kallar this week. The chances of patching up now appear bleak. Even the military had mooted that Pillaiyan loyalists flee Batticaloa and Amparai and operate in Trincomalee and Polonnaruwa. Karuna loyalists were asked to remain from the lower part of Batticaloa up to Pottuvil, where there were clashes recently with Muslims. So, former LTTE strongholds in Karadiyanaru and Kokkadichcolai were to be occupied by the ?Karuna? faction. Batticaloa town was to be patronized by both groups, under the supervision of the forces.
Karuna was to be the overall leader of TMVP and Pillaiyan the party?s military wing leader and No. 2 in the party.
However, all these arrangements came to naught, with Karuna?s early exit and the resultant loss of influence. More than three-fourths of the ?Karuna? faction came under Pillaiyan, even as security forces on the ground, prevented the ?Karuna? faction team sent to capture Markan and others from proceeding. Pradeep Master, former eastern political leader and Jeyathaan have now pledged to support Pillaiyan. So, it is a clear case of Karuna outliving his usefulness and ending up nowhere.
As he broke away in March 2004, the LTTE Wanni leadership summoned Karuna to the north. The military, which at that time was instructed by President Chandrika Kumaratunga, not to have any truck with the renegade, for fear of stalling the peace process, even provided a chopper for him to go North.
Karuna spurned the offer and decided to stay put, until the LTTE sent a team, not only across the Verugal River but, from behind him, forcing him to flee in the face of the onslaught.
The LTTE had a mole in Karuna?s office, who passed on information that he was embezzling funds. The split in the ?Karuna? group is again over moneys extorted not being reported but embezzled. In the end, it all boils down to money. There have been previous instances too, where LTTE leaders abroad, were relieved off their duties, when they were learnt to have embezzled funds.

Shell wants whopping Rs. 160 price hike

Distribution delay due to LTTE air raid

By Dilukshi Thomas

The price of gas may increase by Rs. 160 shortly, Rimoe Saldin, finance director, Shell Gas Lanka Limited said yesterday.
Since an increase in gas price must be approved by the Consumer Affairs Authority (CAA), Shell Gas has put forth an application, requesting the increase of gas price from Rs. 960 to Rs. 1120 per cylinder. ?We have put forward a request to the CAA, to allow us to raise gas prices?, said Saldin. Only two Shell Gas price increase applications have been approved by the CAA. The remaining submissions have all been turned down, including a request filed early this year, he said. There has been no increase in the price of gas since January 2006.
Shell Gas has incurred a loss of 767 million dollars, since 2003, he said. ?We have lost our entire equity?, he said adding that ?this is a point of great concern for the organization?. Shell Gas has also put forth a petition to the government to review the price increase requests and hopes approval will be granted in the near future.
In a statement released yesterday, Shell Gas said the problem with distribution had no relation to the rise in gas prices. ?The problem with distribution was because of the LTTE air raid on the wee hours of April 29, which led to a fire at the Kerawalapitiya terminal. However, Shell Gas has restored their equipment and had started distribution on May 7.? Shell Gas assured that there is no shortage of gas in the market.

More fuel hikes soon, CoL soars

Minister says prices have come down, media blowing up situation

By Malik Gunatilleke

Hard on the heels of Friday?s fuel price hike, Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) Chairman Asantha de Mel warned yesterday of a further increase, raising fears of a chain reaction on a variety of essential consumer goods. Against the backdrop of Friday?s increase, electricity tariffs, bus and rail fares, LP gas, milk foods are among items that are up for immediate price revision. A further fuel price hike will only mean a further upward revision, officials warned.

The increase in fuel prices, the third in just six weeks, is the result of Sri Lanka?s economy taking a severe beating in the light of an escalating separatist war and drop in Government revenue. The rupee equivalent to the US dollar has been rapidly depreciating. It stood at Rs 111 to a US dollar yesterday and financial analysts forecast a further drop in the coming weeks.

At midnight Friday, the CPC raised by a rupee per litre for petrol (now Rs 106), two rupees per litre on diesel (now Rs 67 per litre) and a rupee per litre for kerosene (now Rs 51 per litre). ?If we were to sell at old prices, we would suffer a loss of nearly two billion rupees,? Mr. de Mel told The Sunday Times. He said the CPC expected further price increases in the world market. That meant the CPC would have to pay more rupees to a dollar to procure them.

The state-owned Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) had already recommended an increase in electricity tariffs. Its General Manager D.R. Pulleperuma said that in the light of Friday?s fuel price hike, the new rates were now being worked out for Government approval. He said it was up to the Government to determine whether the price increase should be passed down to the consumer or the CEB should be given a subsidy. He added ?sixty per cent of our fuel is from external sources like diesel.?

Transport Ministry Secretary Nihal Somaweera said yesterday that proposals were already before Government to increase rail fares. However, he said it would not come immediately and may take until next year. However, other sources said a further fuel price increase would place an inevitable burden on the Railway and compel it to consider a price revision. An appropriate bus fare will be formulated soon, probably within weeks, Gemunu Wijeratne, President of the Private Bus Owners Association said.

One of the main LP gas distributors, Shell Gas, is still engaged in a tussle with the Government after refusing to pay heed to an officially approved rate from Rs 966 to Rs 988 per 12.5 kilogramme cylinder. Instead, it wants to raise the price to Rs 1,121 and a further increase may be demanded, officials warned, if prices of fuel were increased again.

Laugfs gas, another major distributor, has also sought a price revision from Rs 940 to Rs 1,100 but the Government has allowed only a rise up to Rs 960. The companies claimed they were incurring losses. But Dr. R.M.K. Ratnayake, Secretary to the Ministry of Trade and Consumer Affairs, said the Government would soon consider all contributory factors and re-calculate a suitable amount by which LP gas should be increased.

Milk food companies that import stocks have also applied to the Consumer Affairs Authority (CAA) for an immediate increase. CAA Chairman, Sarath Wijesinghe declined to comment. Trade and Commerce Minister Bandula Gunawardena had asked him not to make comments to the media.

Mr. Gunawardena refused to believe price increases were affecting the public. Yesterday he blamed the media for the price increases saying they had been ?blown out of proportion by media.? He argued that the Cost of Living Index from January to April this year had dropped from 20.5 per cent to 16.3 per cent. Before he took over his portfolio, there were only four items listed as essential but now there were 16. Hence, the Trade and Commerce Minister believed price controls applied and consumers were benefiting from them.

?Only 30 per cent of households use LP Gas. A raise of Rs 100 will not affect the cost of living,? Mr. Gunawardena told The Sunday Times. He claimed, ?when comparing these increases with price reductions in vegetables and other items, the increase is insignificant.?

Four air raids worse than four wars

* Defence authorities plan urgent counter measures amidst fears of more Tiger air attacks
* Experts say getting billion rupee MiG-29s is like getting a Mercedes to knock down a bullock cart
* War costs rise, tourist arrivals plunge but world arms dealers pour in

By Iqbal Athas

Four different Tiger guerrilla air raids within just over a month has caused more panic and concern in the country's defence and security establishment than four different phases of the separatist war - the last being the ongoing undeclared Eelam War IV.

At meetings of the National Security Council, conferences at the Ministry of Defence and forward planning exercises by Army, Navy, Air Force and Police headquarters, the main focus still remains the air threat posed by Tiger guerrillas. Even if there is a lull in the skies after the last sortie in the early hours of April 29, different state intelligence agencies are all agreed that more surprise attacks cannot be ruled out. The fears are further enhanced by the belief that the guerrillas may want to accomplish more targets before counter measures are fully in place. But the Security Forces and the Police are already embarking on immediate measures until major steps are in place. Towards this end, an Indian Air Force team has also serviced Indian-built 2D radars and related equipment for more efficient functioning.

The escalating war, coupled together with the air raids, has affected tourist arrivals in Sri Lanka. The situation has been further compounded by the ill-advised move to shut the international airport daily from 10.30 p.m. until 4.00 a.m. The tea trade, one of the biggest foreign exchange earners, is complaining about delays in rushing samples to their principals abroad through courier services. The latter has been forced to re-route their consignments via different capitals entailing delays. Some apparel, cut flower and fruit exporters are hard hit.

They find it difficult to meet schedules of cargo flights listed for nights prompting threats from their principals to cancel orders. Thus, the airport closure, which came as an open admission that the Government is unable to protect its own airspace, at least the skies over the international airport and the access routes, was also contributing slowly but surely to economic damage. This is not to mention the non-arrival of passengers from the region who used Colombo as the hub for connecting flights to Europe and the Far East. As a result, there is no business for the hotels around the international airport area and even taxi drivers.

Yet there are visitors to Sri Lanka. Some of them in the recent weeks make an interesting tribe. They include those who want to market various types of radars, satellite monitoring systems and all forms of antidotes to meet enemy air threats. Some with connections have succeeded in interviewing Defence Ministry officials whilst others have been lobbying through local contacts and those who have in the past remained Colombo agents. Officially such agencies have 'ceased to exist' since the Government set up Lanka Logistics and Technologies Ltd. under the Ministry of Defence.

This wholly-owned Government company is headed by Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, Defence Secretary, and is solely responsible for 'the procurement of equipment and services for the Armed Forces and the Sri Lanka Police Department.' Others on the board of directors are Treasury Secretary Dr. P.B. Jayasundera, the Commanders of the Army, Navy, Air Force and the Inspector General of Police.

In seeking approval from the Cabinet for the setting up of this company, President Mahinda Rajapaksa, who is also the Minister of Defence, Public Security, Law and Order told his Ministers there would be a two-fold advantage. One was a substantial saving to the country both directly and indirectly. The other, it would ensure 'transparency with regard to large transactions pertaining to procurement which time and again came under serious criticism by various agencies and the public.' Sri Lanka diplomatic missions overseas were advised to channel all military deals through this company.

Notwithstanding the functioning of a newly created state agency to deal with all military procurements, thus eliminating the role of local agents, there is still a striking, if not interesting feature. Though officially no local agents are now deemed to be operating, they are very much active. The small community in Colombo turned out to be a repository of information on who is trying to sell what to the state-owned company. They were fully well aware of the items purchased, costs and the military deals that are now on the pipeline. The reports were not only circulating in the bars of star class hotels but have also filtered down to many other quarters.

Not surprising that the pro-LTTE website Puthinam.com was the first to report that the Government is now on the look out for MiG-29s to be obtained on lease. Contrary to earlier expectations, a Sri Lanka Air Force team that was to travel to Moscow to examine the possibility of procuring MiG-29 multi-role combat aircraft has put off indefinitely their departure. The exact reasons for this are not known. But, this week the SLAF Director Aeronautical Engineering, Air Vice Marshal Prishantha Silva, is due to leave for Ukraine from where the Government is exploring the possibility of obtaining on lease two MiG-29 aircraft.

Since SLAF pilots are not trained to fly MiG 29s, a package with the Ukrainian supplier is expected to be a conditional wet lease. That is to include Ukranian pilots until such time their local counterparts are qualified to fly the jet fighter. It was from Ukraine that the Government concluded the controversial deal to procure four MiG -27 aircraft last year. The four aircraft which were reported to be completely overhauled were delivered to the SLAF. Recently two of them were listed as unserviceable. One, however, was repaired this week. The other remains still unserviceable due to minor defects. Air Force sources said spares were being awaited from Ukraine under the warranty to effect repairs.

Aviation experts and some senior Air Force officials are sceptical about the total effectiveness of the MiG-29s to meet the threats posed by light aerobatic aircraft built in the Czech Republic. They liken it to something like killing a fly with a sledgehammer. They point out that the MiG-29s have been manufactured to engage fighter aircraft of similar capability. Hence, MiG 29s have not been used in any theatre of combat anywhere in the world to attack non-combat light aircraft by any conventional Air Force in the world. 'It's like using a brand new Mercedes Benz to knock down a Bullock Cart,' says a serving Air Force flyer who did not wish to be identified. He says that the Russian built MiG-29 is speedy and well equipped for air-to-air combat which the Tiger guerrillas are incapable of. 'At most they could drop locally made bombs on a pre-determined target. At worst, in desperation they could use the aircraft as a 'flying bomb' to carry out a suicide attack. But they simply do not have the capability to engage us directly in the air,' he said.

The four seater Zlin Z-143 aircraft has been in production since 1992. Over 7,000 units are reported to have been sold worldwide by the manufacturer to flying clubs, Air Forces and wild life reserves among others. Here is a comparison of some relevant details of a MiG-29 and Zlin Z 143, the type known to be in the Tiger guerrilla air wing inventory.

The maximum speed of MiG-29 is said to be 805 miles per hour (1300 kilometres) at sea level or 1,518 mph (2445 kph) at 39,370 feet. Its range (with internal fuel) is said to be 932 miles (1500 kilometres) whilst (with external fuel) it is 1,802 miles (2,900 kilometres).
In marked contrast the Zlin Z-143, a piston (235 horsepower) engined propeller driven aircraft is designed for a variety of non-combat uses. This includes air taxi, touring, business flying, basic/advance training in civil or military air schools, ground observation, naval, coast guard patrol, Night and IFR (Instrument Flight Rules) training, flying and optional glider and banner towing. It is manufactured by Moravan Aviation in the Czech Republic.

The maximum airspeed of Zlin Z-143 is said to be 260 kilometres per hour with a service ceiling (or maximum height) of 4170 metres. Whilst the take off and landing distances is only 50 feet, the take off run is said to be 380 metres. However, the landing run is said to require a distance of 765 metres. The aircraft could also be modified to two seats making it a long range version. This helps it carry a higher payload. This in effect would almost treble the payload of 240 kilos it could carry. A 'flying bomb' on a suicide mission with such a load could no doubt be disastrous and the consequences unimaginable.

Whilst the MiG-29 is a proven combat aircraft used in many roles in the air, the LTTE is only in possession of a much cheaper single engine light aircraft. The high air speed of the MiG-29 makes it five times faster in the air than the Zlin Z-143. Whilst the price for leasing the MiG-29s is still not known, the acquisition of new ones would have averaged at anything between US $ 10 to 15 million each. Moreover, the acquisition of these jets would not mean that prompt answers have been found for a primitive air threat.

It would also entail the acquisition of missiles, to be chosen from varieties like radar guided, heat seeking infra red to laser guided ones. An approximate cost of these missiles is said to be around US $ 30,000 each (or Rs 333,000). Thus, it becomes more expensive to destroy a cheap aircraft in Tiger guerrilla possession. Some experts are of the view that less costly and more effective mechanisms to meet air threats are available. In fact some such measures are also now being looked into by defence authorities. Moreover, protagonists for the MiG-29 deal strongly believe the fighter jets could be a strong counter to not only the present air threat but also if the guerrillas should use any other advanced aircraft at any future date.

Such acquisitions to meet air threats will no doubt make the ongoing undeclared Eelam War IV the most expensive phase. Besides enormous expenses on air threats, a few of the costs now incurred will give one an idea. According to highly pleaced Army sources, the price of a 120 mm mortar shell is US dollars 148 (or Rs 16,428), 81 mm high explosive mortar shell US $ 74 (or Rs 8,214), 152 mm cannon shell US $ 295 (or Rs 32,745). These are some of the ordinance that is regularly expended.

In addition, a 14.5 mm twin barrel ammunition for type 82 gun used by the Navy costs US $ 28,080 (or Rs 316,800) each. In most instances, procurement of military items will have to be after cash is paid upfront. One leading supplier to Sri Lanka recently backed out from selling military hardware until such time outstanding dues, said to exceed over US $ 200 million (over Rs 2,200 million) is settled. This has forced the Government to turn to another agency in the same country.

These developments come at a time when the Army's Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) is piecing together more details about the air capability of Tiger guerrillas. This has been made possible after the interrogation of four guerrilla cadres who surrendered to the Army in the Wanni. Army officials say they belonged to the newly established Charles Anthony and Radha Units whose task is to play a role in countering SLAF aircraft. MI operatives have learnt details of the guerrilla modus operandi and structure of the new 'anti aircraft' wings.

Army sources also said that during past weeks there had been reports of the guerrillas carrying out flying training in the skies above Mallawi, the main stronghold of the guerrillas in western Wanni until they shifted to Killinochchi. Last week's reference in The Sunday Times (Situation Report) about the Tiger guerrillas possessing ten light aircraft and references to a SLAF report have prompted a covert initiative by defence officials to track down sources. However, to say the least, the means were not so subtle even if it was meant to be that way.

All systems are now on high alert for any more possible Tiger guerrilla air attacks. Such a threat, at a time when the ongoing undeclared war has reached a new high, is challenging in many respects. Costs are mounting as the public who have to sustain the war effort are feeling the burden of heavy costs of food, fuel, transport and other essentials. The answers, no doubt, lay in the battlefields.

As senior defence and security officials assert, the Tiger guerrillas would have to be militarily defeated. The more it takes, the more it becomes a costly war both in human and material terms. The old adage as long as a Government does not win it loses. As long as the guerrillas do not lose, they win, comes to mind.

Govt. tossed about in crisis after crisis

* US gives tough warning on human rights and media freedom issues
* Boucher Jaffna meeting with Uthayan bosses
* UNP launches agitation campaign and unveils formula for peace process

By Our Political Editor

It came in the backdrop of a worsening economy and a new, frightening phase of the ongoing undeclared Eelam War IV. The world's only superpower, the United States of America, delivered a strong message to the Mahinda Rajapaksa Administration - ameliorate human rights conditions, rein in paramilitary groups and respect media freedom. That seemed the recipe to avoid global isolation.

These were highlights of what Ambassador Richard A. Boucher, Assistant Secretary for South and Central Asian Affairs in the State Department, told President Mahinda Rajapaksa during a meeting on Thursday at 'Temple Trees'. He was in Sri Lanka on a three-day visit to express the Bush Administration's serious concerns over developments in Sri Lanka. Several leading US lawmakers, both from Republicans to rival Democrats, had expressed reservations in the past many months.

The suave diplomat that he is, Boucher maintained extreme cordiality and courtesy during his dialogue with Rajapaksa. In fact, his introductory remarks reiterated the US Government's commitment to help Sri Lanka face the threat of terrorism. Then he began to list out the US Government's concerns over a variety of critical issues.

Later at a news conference that ended his visit, Boucher did not hide his feelings. 'I am concerned about the way things have been heading,' he declared. He said he talked quite a bit about the human rights situation with Rajapaksa. 'There are two aspects that concern us. One is abductions and killings, and the other is the freedom of the press,' he said.

Highlighting US concerns about media freedom, Boucher said, 'We've seen a lot of different reports. We've seen reports of intimidation, reports of government power being used on newspapers and journalists; and then, of course, we've seen killings and violent acts committed against newspapers and journalists.'

The first responsibility for human rights, he said, falls with the Government, falls with the country, and falls with the people. 'A free press is a vital part of that, but also organizations like the Human Rights Commission and other organizations on the island have to be active in monitoring the human rights situation,' he added.

Boucher emphasized, 'We need action to try to move the situation forward - forward toward peace, forward toward respect for justice for all the people of Sri Lanka.' In his introductory remarks, he declared, 'we come here knowing that people here are basically committed to the same goals and the same values as we have, and our goal is to work with them to find a way forward, to find the avenues for peace and the basis for negotiations and peace.'

Even before Boucher set foot on Sri Lankan soil, his visit had led to concerns in influential sections of the Government where the growth of a brand new culture is manifest. That is one where foreign dignitaries meeting or interacting with those who are 'enemies' or perceived as enemies of the Government are looked upon with contempt and scorn. Those holding dissenting views are painted black.

At the Government Parliamentary Group meeting chaired by President Rajapaksa, some parliamentarians raised the issue of Boucher meeting the management and the staff of Uthayan, the leading Tamil newspaper in Jaffna. The MPs were unhappy. Some charged the newspaper group was pro-LTTE. Others added the newspaper did not support the military's role in the north. Yet, it had functioned over the years.

One of them said the meeting between Boucher and the Uthayan staff should not have been allowed. Foreign Minister Rohitha Bogollagama was late to arrive. President Rajapaksa was to ask Bogollagama whether Boucher was going to the Uthayan office. 'Yes, Sir' he replied. The President asked why such permission was granted. He asked his Foreign Minister whether a Sri Lankan dignitary visiting the United States would have been afforded the same opportunity.

Even if no one responded, in a country like the US the answer would have been an unmistakable 'yes'. In fact, it was customary for visiting heads of state to have a breakfast meeting with publishers and staff of the Washington Post. The late J.R. Jayewardene took part in such a meeting when he visited Washington in June 1984. When that ended, Sri Lankan diplomats were pleased with the outcome. J.R. Jayewardene had excelled in the dialogue quoting history and in exposing, sharp political acumen, wit and wisdom. He had done the country proud. But those were the days when press releases were not used where proactive dialogue was required.
Bogollagama said, 'I take the full responsibility Sir'.

He asked whether the Foreign Ministry should tell the United States Embassy in Colombo to ask Boucher not to visit Uthayan. Rajapaksa said that was not the issue. He was also not in favour of any moves to call off the visit. He told Bogollagama to be mindful of allowing similar visits when foreign dignitaries come to Sri Lanka. President Rajapaksa also directed that the leader of the Eelam People's Democratic Party (EPDP) and Minister, Douglas Devananda, be sent to Jaffna to be on hand during Boucher's visit.

The sequel to the Parliamentary Group discussion came when Boucher, US Ambassador Robert Blake and other officials arrived in Jaffna. The Army had made clear they were not in favour of allowing Boucher and entourage to travel from point to point for their meetings due to 'security considerations'. Hence, the US team was advised to locate themselves at one point. Thus, a visit to Uthayan was avoided.

The Publisher of Uthayan, E. Saravanapavan and Editor of Uthayan, veteran Tamil journalist M. V. Kaanamylnathan, were escorted by an armed police party to the Bastian Guest House where they met Boucher and his entourage. During the 30-minute meeting Saravanapavan was to detail out the problems faced by his newspaper group including Government's refusal to allow newsprint to be transported to Jaffna and the murder of five Uthayan journalists since May last year. Human rights groups in Jaffna were to follow suit. Later in Colombo, Boucher met a group of Editors, hand picked by the US Embassy. Some of them briefed Boucher on intimidation and threats faced by the media. The criticism centered on the powerful official .

Just 24 hours before the Boucher-Rajapaksa meeting, the National Security Council which met at Temple Trees also addressed many important issues including the new air threat posed by Tiger guerrillas. Some of them related to ones Boucher was to raise later, like abductions, kidnappings and how safe conditions were now for the media. However, the Boucher-Rajapaksa dialogue on these subjects reflected an entirely different course from what the NSC discussed. For obvious reasons the details cannot be spelt out.

Even the main opposition United National Party (UNP), always in fits and starts blowing hot and cold periodically, had its tales of woe for Boucher. UNP and Opposition leader Ranil Wickremesinghe met him together with Ravi Karunanayake and Bradman Weerakoon. Boucher was accompanied by Ambassador Blake, who, by-the-way, turns 50 today.

The 55-minute Wickremesinghe-Boucher meeting was to cover a lot of ground treaded earlier during Boucher's itinerary. Asked what the UNP could do in the current situation in the country, Wickremesinghe replied there was not much the Party could do to influence events at this juncture. Then, he went on to reiterate the party's latest line - to oust Defence Secretary retired Lt. Col. Gotabhaya Rajapaksa. They want him replaced with a former Army Chief of Staff and diplomat, Major General (retd.) Janaka Perera. If the former military top brass had taken great pains to articulate in sections of the media that he had no link to the UNP, or none for the moment, he is yet to react to moves by the UNP to foist him to the top defence post. Like his measured ambiguity when one political party suggested he contests the 2005 Presidential elections, whether he hopes an appointment would materialize soon is not clear. But President Rajapaksa, who assigned the country's military machine to his own brother Gotabhaya has laughed off the UNP calls for Perera. It was his, and only his prerogative to name a Defence Secretary in terms of the Constitution, he told confidants.

Boucher asked Wickremesinghe about the ruling Sri Lanka Freedom Party's (SLFP) devolution proposals. The UNP leader promptly gave him a copy of SLFP's 1984 proposals and said they were almost the same - the message being that the SLFP had not moved forward since.

Boucher also explained the US Government's concerns over human rights issues and on media freedom in Sri Lanka. He said he had chosen not to issue any statements after a meeting later with envoys of member countries of Donor Co-Chairs - the US, Britain, the European Union, Norway and Japan. A formal meeting of the Co-chairs is to be held in the next few weeks in Colombo with India also taking part as an observer.

Such a meeting is expected to assume greater significance in the light of the Government making available to New Delhi a copy of the SLFP proposals. It was carried by President's Secretary, Lalith Weeratunga who handed it over to the Principal Secretary of the Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. The Sri Lankan President had explained the rationale behind the SLFP's proposals to the Indian PM. He had asked Weeratunga to explain the salient features of these proposals to his official counterpart so that the fuller facts can be placed before Singh. India's High Commissioner in Sri Lanka, Alok Prasad has returned to New Delhi for consultations amidst reports that the Government in New Delhi is to issue a formal statement on the proposals. It is widely known in diplomatic circles in Colombo that New Delhi is displeased with it.

In a hard-hitting statement early this week, the UNP charged that the 'growing political and military crisis in Sri Lanka had demonstrated the bankruptcy of the Mahinda Chinthana. Paying pooja to an empty slogan and lighting incense to cardboard heroes has put the country's future in jeopardy.' The statement said, 'In the past the Government of Sri Lanka was respected internationally for its adherence to democracy and its respect for human rights. This differentiated us from the terrorist activities of the LTTE. Today, the Mahinda Chinthana Government is competing with the LTTE in (i) violating human rights through its abductions and disappearances (ii) suppressing the free media and (iii) undermining democracy.

On Thursday, the UNP launched what it called its 'agitational campaign' against the Rajapaksa Presidency from Gampola . It was also its belated May Day rally, which it put off on the basis of Vesak. Wickremesinghe was then abroad visiting Croatia and Austria. At Gampola, he announced ten more meetings in the coming weeks and street protest campaigns to take the message of the UNP to the people.

This, at a time when Wickremesinghe is being accused by the Government of going around the world foul-mouthing the Rajapaksa administration, especially on the twin issues of its human rights and media freedom records. The ire has increased with Wickremesinghe leading a UNP delegation to China and Tibet. The fact that Beijing is wanting to forge closer ties with the UNP, barely months after the Rajapaksa visit to China with the largest official entourage, has piqued many in power. Some felt that China, regarded by the Rajapaksa Administration as a close ally, was also doing what they called a 'balancing act'. Of course, Wickremesinghe is not alone in his criticism. Now the world's only superpower has endorsed what he and his party have been saying. Asked by Boucher during talks on what the UNP had to resolve the ethnic conflict, Wickremesinghe was prepared with an answer.
Just that morning the UNP had announced its official position. They are:

* Protecting Sri Lanka's territorial integrity and sovereignty of the people.
* Opposing terrorism in all its manifestations.
* Negotiating a political settlement for a long-lasting peace acceptable to all communities which accommodates their legitimate aspirations. Such a settlement must be approved by the people at a referendum.
* Upholding of human rights by all parties including carrying out investigations into the abductions and disappearances, and the removal of the culture of impunity. This implies the effective implementation of the undertakings given by the Government in this regard to the international community.
* The immediate resolution of outstanding humanitarian issues, including the prompt rehabilitation of internally displaced persons. The Government to provide full co-operation to the international humanitarian organizations to carry out these tasks.
* Guaranteeing of all democratic rights. This should include the immediate appointment of the Constitutional Council and a resolution of the other issues affecting governance.
* The Government submitting credible power-sharing proposals that can form the basis of a viable negotiated settlement without any further delay.
* The Co-chairs and India to arrange for an immediate cessation of the conflict and a resumption of talks between the Government and the LTTE.
* Coming to an agreement with the international donor community on the support to be given to Sri Lanka if the LTTE fails to respond positively to the programmes.

The UNP is relying heavily on international backing to deal with the LTTE, a subject the guerrillas did not like. Its leader Velupillai Prabhakaran himself is on record saying Wickremesinghe tried to trick him through an international safety net. This was a give away as to why the LTTE helped in Rajapaksa's victory over Wickremesinghe at the 2005 Presidential elections. With the Government getting virtually isolated in the international community with even strong allies like China reaching out to Wickremesinghe, it still remains to be seen whether the UNP will grasp the opportunity or continue to blow hot and cold.

After Rajapaksa spoke with Ven. Elle Gunawansa Thera to express his displeasure over the British House of Commons debating the situation in Sri Lankan, the Sri Lanka Deshabimani Peramuna staged a demonstration. Rajapaksa also spoke to the JVP leadership. By this time the JVP had already decided on a protest.

A demonstration by JVP leaders including Vijitha Herath and Wimal Weerawansa was held outside the British High Commission bringing traffic to a halt, JVP supporters thronged in large numbers to shout slogans. There were tense moments when Jack O'Regan, a High Commission official dealing with security related matters, came out to accept a JVP petition. Herath wanted an official from the Political Division. He went in and returned to say they were busy. Whilst the stand off continued, a JVP member went to a nearby grocery store to ask for cellotape. The shop owner asked why he needed it and was told it was to paste the JVP letter on the High Commission gate. He gave it free of charge. By the time a political officer arrived, it had already been pasted on the gate.

All these developments take place at a time when the country's economy is taking a severe beating. On Friday, fuel prices were increased again. This is the result of the rupee value to the US dollar depreciating. If it was in the region of Rs 100 to a dollar when Rajapaksa assumed office, it has now reached Rs 111. Needless to say the Cost of Living will rise again with prices of all food items and commodities increasing. The closure of the airport during nights had delayed the work of courier companies. As a result, tea exporters are unable to send their samples to foreign buyers on time. Tourist arrivals had taken a drastic drop. Four successive air raids by the LTTE in just within a month have pushed the ongoing undeclared Eelam War IV into a frightening phase. More equipment for air defence would cost substantial amounts of money for cash starved Government. This brings to the fore allegations of those in and out of uniform getting rich through corrupt deals where transparency is sadly lacking.

That is why the coming weeks and months are challenging times for Sri Lanka. It is imperative that a Government buckles down to tackle all issues instead of getting away by blaming all and sundry except itself. It is equally imperative in a vibrant democracy for the opposition to keep the pressure on the Government to rectify its faults in the interest of the public. There are many countries in the world that have fallen into anarchy due to absence of checks and balances. Sri Lanka has had more than its share of natural and man made catastrophes. Its high time national interest takes precedence over self interest or personal well being.

Boucher insists on Vitharana proposals

Should be basis for talks with LTTE

By Ravi Ladduwahetty

Visiting US Secretary of State Richard Boucher has told the government that the Tissa Vitharana proposals submitted recently should be the basis for a negotiated settlement with the LTTE.
Boucher visited Sri Lanka at a time when there was a campaign against the government on the deteriorating human rights situation and the freedom of the media.
It is also learnt that President Mahinda Rajapaksa has expressed reservations about what Boucher has proposed but it is open for all political parties to consider the matter. Minister Vitharana in his recent proposals has suggested that the unit of devolution should be the province. Some of the highlights of the Tissa Vitharana proposals to the All Party Representative Committee includes: a senate to be elected by provincial legislatures, two vice presidents from different communities, the abolition of the Executive Presidency at the end of President Mahinda Rajapaksa?s first term, the election of an Executive Prime Minister, Sri Lanka to be one, free, sovereign and independent state, safeguards against secession, president to be subject to judicial and parliamentary control, a Constitutional Court outside the Supreme Court and the state to take forward a Sri Lankan identity.
In the meantime it has been observed by human rights activists that there is a marked decline in the abductions in Colombo and Jaffna and that the human rights situation had improved. The government was also facing a grave situation where the US and the west were to hold back their aid to Sri Lanka until the human rights record is improved.