Sri Lanka News Updates with Discussions

The Indian navy has moved a proposal to the government for approval of a joint marine commandos (Marcos) exercise with Sri Lanka in the Bay of Bengal towards June- end.

The two-week exercise has its thrust on ship-intervention and anti-piracy. This will be a first joint endeavour between the armed forces of the two nations after the collapse of the LTTE, last year.

A clearance is yet to come from the government. This is basically to explore options of Marco operations as a piracy threat in these waters is always rampant for both nations, considering the heavy traffic.

Since the 1990s, the Indian Navy has conducted large number of bilateral and multilateral naval exercises with various ASEAN countries with the largest number being conducted with the Singapore Navy. Other exercises have been conducted with Myanmar, Thailand, Indonesia, Malaysia, Vietnam and the Philippines.

In April-May 2007, India conducted bilateral naval exercises with Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, Singapore, and Indonesia. India has also held major naval exercises with nations like the US.

Whatever the arms, ammunition and equipment available, victory would never have been possible without the heavy sacrifices made by the fighting forces and those who carried out clandestine operations at the risk of their lives. State-of-the-art equipment would have been useless without men capable of waging war and political leadership capable of rejecting foreign intervention.

Sri Lanka yesterday marked her triumph over LTTE terrorism with a military parade at Galle Face presided over by President Mahinda Rajapaksa, Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces and police.

The parade, which was to be originally held on May 18, had to be rescheduled due to inclement weather prompting the Opposition JVP to say that even the Gods were against the show. The architect of Sri Lanka s war victory Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, whose overall leadership made it possible, was in the first row among the guests.

A section of the Opposition boycotted the event to protest against what UNP MP Jayalath Jayawardena said was the government s failure to invite former Army Chief General Sarath Fonseka, who spearheaded the ground offensive against the LTTE. The Gampaha District MP said that the leader of the Democratic National Alliance (DNA) Fonseka, MP, should have received an invitation from the Defence Ministry as a Member of Parliament. Among the invitees were Sajith Premadasa, now engaged in a leadership tussle with UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe, SLMC leader Rauf Hakeem and John Amaratunga.

The war veteran s absence at the parade highlighted the deepening political rift between the government and one-time Chief of Defence Staff.

Government sources said that General Fonseka had conveniently forgotten the trouble caused by his unsubstantiated war crimes allegations made in the run-up to the January 26 presidential election. General Fonseka alleged that the army on the Vanni (east) front received verbal instructions from Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa not to take LTTE prisoners. Although he had subsequently emphasized that the army did not carry out the directive, the UN is setting up an inquiry primarily on the basis of General Fonseka s allegation.

Yesterday s military parade was held in the backdrop of the UN announcing plans to go ahead with an inquiry regardless of Sri Lanka s strong opposition. The decision to investigate war crime charges was announced on Thursday (June 17) at a press conference called by UN Under Secretary General for Political Affairs Lynn Pascoe at the UN compound in Colombo.

The parade commanded by Gajaba veteran Major General Kamal Gunaratne, the senior-most serving officer, who had been on the battlefront, had three sections to emphasise victories in the Eastern, Northern and Vanni theatres. On parade were a section of the officers and men who had fought on the battlefront and engaged in clandestine operations at the risk of their lives. And on display were arms, ammunition and equipment used in the battle, while a sail past by the Navy and fly past by the Air Force drew attention to their role in the war.

A dispute over the day LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran was shot on the banks of the Nanthikadal lagoon in May last year did not diminish the importance of the first year celebrations of the armed forces triumph. The government continues to insist Prabhakaran was killed on May 18, though the final confrontation took place on the morning of May 19. The fourth battalion of the Vijayabahu Infantry Regiment (VIR) is credited with the killing of Prabhakaran and recovery of his body. The ground forces pursued a retreating enemy until Prabhakaran, his family and the remnant of the top LTTE leadership was surrounded on the Mullaitivu front. The final confrontation took place in the wake of a desperate LTTE bid to evacuate Prabhakaran at the expense of hundreds of LTTE cadres.

On display were assets ranging from Czechoslovakian-built RM 70 mobile launch rocket systems, movable Indian radar (Indra Mark II) to a fleet of Offshore Patrol Vessels, Fast gun Boats and Fast Attack Craft. Had the Navy failed to intercept and destroy eight floating arsenals of the enemy and disrupt the sea supply route from India, an absolute victory would never have been possible. The SLAF also displayed the 3D radar of Chinese origin acquired at the tail end of the offensive.

Also on display were the vehicle mounted MSIS (Multi Sensor Integrated System), armoured fighting vehicles of Czechoslovakian, Chinese and Russian origin and a range of artillery pieces acquired from China. Israeli-built MSIS with night vision and radar capability deployed on the Mullaitivu coast at the tail end of the offensive had facilitated the SLN effort to thwart enemy launching boats. The bottom line is that the SLN blockade targeting Mullaitivu had been an integral part of Sri Lanka s strategy to trap Prabhakaran and his chief lieutenants. Had they escaped and secured protection of the international community, the so-called transnational government now being touted by the Tamil Diaspora would have posed a serious threat.

Also on parade were the police, its elite para-military wing, the STF and the Civil Defence Force (CDF).

Among the state of the art equipment displayed by the army Signals are of Japanese, Indian and French origin, General Fonseka s brainchild, the Mechanized Infantry Brigade paraded some of its Russian and Chinese armoured fighting vehicles.

It is no secret that the government had to face severe difficulties in procuring some of the arms, ammunition and equipment due to international pressure. Had there been a breakdown in much needed supplies, the LTTE would have been able to force the government to call off the offensive. To the credit of President Rajapaksa, he went to the extent of personally phoning some world leaders to make available ammunition. The government also acted decisively to thwart the LTTE from procuring arms, ammunition and equipment from China. For over a decade, the LTTE had cleverly used its international network to procure and smuggle in millions of USD worth military hardware to Sri Lanka. In fact, at one time, China had been the main supplier of arms both to Sri Lanka and the LTTE until the Rajapaksa government intervened.

The SLAF played a pivotal role in the strategy with a devastating campaign against the LTTE causing immense losses in terms of both men and material, while helping the Army and Navy to meet their objectives. For want of effectiveness on the part of the SLAF, overall military strategy suffered over the years, but Air Chief Marshal Roshan Gunatilleke gave unprecedented leadership to war effort.

A so-called mercy mission was launched by the Tamil Diaspora on March 31, 2008 in London shortly after Sri Lanka opened a new front west of Vavuniya. Among the participants at the launch were several British MPs representing the Labour and Conservative parties and LTTE sympathizers. It was nothing but an international propaganda campaign targeting Sri Lanka in an effort to force an immediate halt to military offensive.

Shortly after the conclusion of the war in May last year, the Tamil Diaspora made an abortive bid to cause an incident in Sri Lankan waters similar to the recent Israeli raid on a ship trying to run a naval blockade off Gaza.

Had Sri Lanka acted recklessly, the country would have played into the hands of those bent on hauling Sri Lankan military and political leaders before an international tribunal for spearheading war against LTTE terrorism. Now that the Israelis had caused another international furore close on the heels of the assassination of a top Hamas operative in a Dubai hotel, it would be pertinent to discuss whether the international community would go the whole hog to punish the Jewish State.

At a news conference in Tel Aviv, Israel s military said all of the violence was centered on the lead boat, the Mavi Marmara, which was carrying 600 of the 700 activists involved in the attempt to challenge the blockade. Israeli forces took over the remaining five other boats without incident, the Israeli top brass were quoted by international wire services as saying

Israel imposed a blockade in 2007 to thwart smuggling of arms, ammunition and equipment into Gaza.

In the wake of the Israeli raid which had caused several deaths and injuries to dozens of Palestinian activists, the way Sri Lanka handled the attempt by MV Captain Ali hired by the Tamil Diaspora to trigger an incident in Sri Lankan waters should be appreciated. To the credit of the then Navy Chief Vice Admiral Wasantha Karannagoda, the issue was handled well.

A senior government official told The Island that the navy had intercepted Captain Ali early June in the international waters off the Western coast and ordered the vessel to move into Sri Lankan waters. The vessel sent by Mercy Mission (UK) had complied with the SLN directive and soon found a 13-member search party on board the vessel. Although they did not find anything except relief cargo as claimed by the INGO, a section of the SLN team had stayed back on the detained ship for almost 110 hours until the UK charity negotiated for the release of the ship.

The navy went to the extent of deploying five vessels (SLNS Sayura, SLNS Nandimithra and three Fast Attack Craft) for the operation, though Captain Ali did not pose a threat. A navy official said: 'We didn t want to take any chance as the Tamil Diaspora could have done anything to attract international media attention in the wake of the battlefield defeat of the LTTE.'

The army finished off LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran on the banks of the Nanthikadal lagoon on May 19 morning last year.

Responding to a query by The Island, another official emphasised that the navy denied the Tamil Diaspora an opportunity to exploit what he called the Captain Ali affair. The Mercy Mission (UK) Chief Poorana Chandren, in a letter addressed to navy headquarters went to the extent of commending the navy for professional and courteous conduct and particularly polite treatment of the crew. Chandren also acknowledged that the ship had not followed the accepted protocol.

An officer said that no one would have expected the UK charity to thank the navy for being respectful when dealing with the crew though it failed to achieve its objectives.

An incident involving Captain Ali would have been ammunition to those who are targeting Sri Lanka over alleged war crimes. Sources said that a single shot fired at the ship could have facilitated their attempt to investigate the conduct of Sri Lankan forces.

For want of credible evidence in relation to the killing of unarmed LTTE cadres as alleged by former Army Chief General Sarath Fonseka in the run-up to the January 26 presidential election, the LTTE sympathizers are struggling to build a case against Sri Lanka.

The presence of Samantha Power, Special Assistant to President Barack Obama on multilateral affairs and human rights, and David Pressman, National Security Council Director for War Crimes and Atrocities in Colombo for a five-day visit beginning June 14 is evidence of continuing pressure on Sri Lanka on the human rights front. The White House officials are scheduled to visit Jaffna and Batticaloa.

The Embassy said: 'Their visit aims to continue last month s productive dialogue between Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and External Affairs Minister G. L. Peiris, in which both leaders discussed Sri Lanka s path through economic renewal, accountability, and reconciliation to greater peace, prosperity, and a stronger partnership with the United States.'

Japanese Special envoy Yashushi Akashi and B. Lynn Pascoe, UN Under-Secretary-General for Political Affairs are in Colombo for talks with President Mahinda Rajapaksa, other senior Government officials, Opposition and minority party representatives, Tamil leaders, media representatives and civil society groups.

The UN is also setting up a panel of experts as part of an accountability process for addressing violations of international humanitarian and human rights law following last year s end to the war. Although Sri Lanka has strongly opposed the move, the UN is likely to go ahead with the inquiry. Military sources said that the absence of reliable evidence was unlikely to discourage the UN and its backers, including the EU.

Diplomatic sources said that the vessels that tried to run an Israeli blockade too had not obtained the necessary clearance to reach the Israeli waters, promoting an unprecedented raid on one of the vessels. Recalling India s infamous parrippu drop over Jaffna in the immediate aftermath of Operation Liberation, sources said that the IAF action followed the navy turning back Indian boats bringing in essential items to Jaffna.

As Sri Lanka celebrates the first anniversary of her magnificent victory over the LTTE on Friday (June 18) with a tri-services military parade, officialdom should not turn a blind eye to the threat posed by those sympathetic to the LTTE.

The navy played a pivotal role in the war against the LTTE. The navy hunted down LTTE floating arsenals on the high seas, cut off the Mullaitivu coast during the final phase of the ground assault, liquidated key LTTE operatives, kept the sea line of communication between KKS/PPD and Trincomalee open, conducted successful intelligence operations and tackled hostile LTTE propaganda, primarily emanating from Tamil Nadu. Perhaps the most difficult task undertaken by the navy during the entire war was keeping the Trincomalee KKS/PPD sea route open since the mid 1990 after the army lost control of the Omanthai-Elephant Pass stretch of the Kandy-Jaffna road.

The navy also deployed ground troops in several areas in support of the overall war strategy and played a vital role in defensive action. Combining of Fast Attack Craft (FACs) and small boat operations is perhaps one of the most important developments achieved by the navy during the eelam war IV.

Navy headquarters on Tuesday released pictures of seven serving senior officers who had spearheaded the war against terror.

The Burmese air force continues to expand with the recent procurement of 50 K-8 jet trainer aircraft from China, according to sources within the air force in Meikhtila.

Parts of the K-8 aircraft were transported by cargo ship from China and are being assembled at the Aircraft Production and Maintenance Base in Meikhtila, said one of the sources.

The purchase of the 50 aircraft comes after Burma s air force chief Lt-Gen Myat Hein traveled to China in November to negotiate an upgrade to the fleet of Chinese-made military aircraft already owned by Burma. There are two reasons to purchase K-8 trainers, said the source. Either for training exercises or for counter-insurgency.

The K-8 jet trainer, sometimes called the K-8 Karakorum or the Hongdu JL-8, is a joint venture between China and Pakistan, and is fitted with air-to-air missiles and rockets.

In 1998-9, the Burmese air force bought 12 K-8 jet trainers from China, which are now stationed at Taungoo Air Base in Pegu Division.

In addition to purchasing Chinese-made fighters and trainer aircraft, Naypyidaw signed a contract in late 2009 to buy 20 MiG-29 jet fighters from Russia at a cost of nearly US $570 million.

The parts of the MiG-29 jet fighters will arrive in July and September by cargo ship and by plane, said an officer close to Col. Tun Aung, a key figure in the Burmese air force. He said that the 20 Russian aircraft will be assembled in Meikhtila.

Meanwhile, Burma's main air base for maintenance, the Aircraft Production and Maintenance Air Base (APMAB) in Panchangone in Mingaladon Township has been relocated to Nyaunggone, close to the regime's Flying Training Base in Shante in Meikhtila Township, according to a source from the air base.

The APMAB got the order from Naypyidaw in January to relocate to the new location, he said, but said he did not know why the relocation took place.

Military sources from Rangoon said that Burmese ruling military council upgraded the air force s facilities and expanded airfields, as well as two air force bases in Bassein and Homemalin in 2006, to fulfill operational capabilities.

Burma has brought 280 aircraft from China, Russia, Yugoslavia and Poland, including trainers and fighters, since the military took power in 1988.

The Burmese air force was founded in 1947 before Burmese independence. Its main objective has since been counter campaigns against the Communist Party of Burma and several ethnic armies.

Burma has 10 air force headquarters: Bassein Air Base in Irrawaddy Division Mingaladon Air Base in Rangoon Division Myitkyina Air Base in Kachin State Myike Air Base in Tenasserim Division Namsang Air Base in Shan State Taungoo Air Base in Pegu Division Meikhtila (Shante) Flying Training Base Meikthila Grounding Training Base in Mandalay Division Magwe Air Base in Magwe Division and Homemalin Air Base in Sagaing Division.